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Book Club: A Special Abu Muqawama Interview with Greg Jaffe

Greg Jaffe is one the nation's leading defense correspondents, has won the Pulitzer Prize, and had the good sense to marry a girl from East Tennessee. Greg's latest book -- co-authored with David Cloud -- is The Fourth Star: Four Generals and the Epic Struggle for the Future of the United States Army. Gian Gentile described the book as "coin-porn" in surely one of the most lamentable turns of phrase in the history of the English language. But I really liked it, as have reviewers. Writing in the New York Times, Dexter Filkins called it "a very good book, readable, detailed and rich. The profiles of Abizaid, Casey, Chiarelli and Petraeus are nuanced and well drawn; the generals really come to life, as does the Army itself."

I sat down with Greg to harrass him. As in my wont.

1. First off, congratulations on writing a very good book – one praised last weekend and one I enjoyed tremendously. I saw you, though, while you were writing the book, and you were almost at your wit’s end. How many weekends did I see you at CNAS glued to your monitor with an open word document? Which one is more difficult – writing daily dispatches from a war zone or writing a book from within the confines of an office?

A book is much harder.. Writing from Afghanistan or Iraq is physically exhausting, but there is usually dramatic stuff happening all around you. Soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan tend to be unflinchingly honest and frank. They are in life or death situations. The challenge is to find the right narrative thread and then just absorb it all. Writing about generals – particularly serving generals – is the toughest thing you can do as a military reporter. No one wants to irritate the boss. There is also a certain amout of theater to being a general. Petraeus is a master of it (in a good way). But David (my coauthor) and I didn’t want to be theater critics. It is really hard to cut through the theater and find the real person. I wonder if some of these four-stars spend so much time in character as “the four star” that they sometimes lose touch with the real person. I think they do.

2. They say that George W. Bush learned the hard way that not all generals are created equal, but it seemed as if you went out of your way to describe all four of the generals you profiled in a way that was sympathetic to their struggles in command. History, meanwhile, will almost certainly judge Gen. Casey in a harsher light than Gen. Petraeus. Knowing both men, do you think this is fair?

Petraeus is a very effective strategic leader. What bugs me is the narrative that he was somehow birthed atop Mount Olympus as the brilliant four star who saved the Army. In reality, his career is a bizarre departure from the norm. He does four tours at the elbow of top generals – Galvin (twice), Vuono and Shelton. He spends relatively little time in the field actually leading soldiers (especially compared to Casey). Petraeus’ career path doesn’t win him a lot of admirers among his peers, who whisper that he’s a palace general or a bit of a suck-up. But it makes Petraeus a much better general and probably a less adept battalion and brigade commander. This is a guy who starts preparing for a strategic leadership role as a captain. I don’t think Casey was as effective. But it is a huge mistake to write him off as not bright, intransigent, lazy or stuck in the Cold War as many in the COIN crowd tend to do. He is a smart person. He works incredibly hard. He was a great soldier and quite possibly a better battalion and brigade commander than Petraeus. So David and I tried really hard to understand why Casey makes the decisions that he makes. He is a product of these experiences that he has growing up in the Army. I think we all have dismissed him far too quickly in our rush to celebrate Petraeus. Casey’s struggles in Iraq need to be dissected and understood. If you call him as a failure or “no Petraeus” you miss important lessons.

3. This is a blog which started out focusing almost exclusively on counterinsurgency doctrine and strategy. As one of the keener observers of U.S. Army officer culture I know, what have your impressions been as the Army has struggled to balance conventional operations and doctrine with the more “irregular” challenges of Iraq and Afghanistan.

This whole conventional vs. irregular debate is stupid. War is war. And we waste far too much energy trying to categorize it. I think most lieutenants, captains and majors are beyond this false conventional vs. irregular frame that we try to impose on war. I wish I could say the same for the more senior people in the Pentagon. My worry isn’t that we’ll skew too much towards irregular. My worry is that the surge in Iraq made it all look too easy and that deep down we think that if we just add 44,000 more troops to Afghanistan we can have the same result. I know McChrystal doesn’t believe it. I know you don’t believe it.

4. No, it ain't just the numbers. Fighting a counterinsurgency campaign as a third party is mighty difficult -- and best avoided. You obviously thought telling the stories of four key generals would make for a good read – and it did. But if you had to write another book-length treatment of the U.S. military and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, what would you write about?

I think a hard look at the last eight years in eastern Afghanistan would be really interesting. There have been some great commanders there, like Nicholson, Cavoli, Kolenda, and all kinds of fascinating experiments, successes and failures. Too often we media cretins boil all of eastern Afghanistan down to the Korengal Valley or Wanat or Kamdesh. All are fascinating. But a hard look at what the US has wrought in the east with the Afghan government would be interesting.

5. You wrote a short piece in the Washington Post’s Outlook section on the challenges facing Gen. McChrystal and an administration that could not be more different than the one that preceded it. What are your impressions of Gen. McChrystal and his challenges? Are there any lessons he can draw from the successes and failures of Gens. Abizaid, Chiarrelli, Casey and Petraeus?

We should ask McChrystal that question! I feel a bit dumb answering it. I guess the biggest mistake would be to define his mission too narrowly. He has to understand Kabul and Washington as well as the Helmand River Valley, Konar Province and the Korengal. It feels tougher in Afghanistan than Iraq because the fight is so radically different. All four generals that David and I chronicled got into trouble in Iraq by defining some critical task or failing as not in their lane or beyond their ability to fix. One of Casey’s key aides – COL Bill Hix – once said to Casey that: “This is your war.” At the time, Casey was hesitant to try to wrest control of the faltering and pathetic reconstruction effort from the State Department. Hix’s counsel seems like good advice. And McChrsytal definitely seems to be thinking big.

6. Your wife is from my hometown. Does she ever speak of how lucky she was to have avoided my mother as her English teacher in high school? And what is it like being a nice guy like you and wed to an East Tennessean? Do your in-laws teach you how to fight with knives or make moonshine? Has visiting your in-laws prepared you for spending so much time in the tribal areas of Afghanistan?

This question seems designed to get me into trouble with my wife and my in-laws who own more guns than I do and also understand how to use the Internets and the Google. Go Vols! See Rock City! Rocky Top!

More guns? Greg, you own a gun? Look out, everybody, Jaffe's armed! No, just kidding: we'll make you an East Tennessean yet...

BUY THE BOOK HERE!

Books, U.S. Army, Book Club

14 comments

War is not just war.

War is not just war.

"Fighting a

"Fighting a counterinsurgency campaign as a third party is mighty difficult -- and best avoided."

It took over 200 years as a second party to control our Indian problem in the United States, how long will it be before we take care of this pesky Taliban problem in Afghanistan as a third party?

Double that time? Let's say 400 years. Can we wait that long?

Industrialization Complex and DoD Contractors are running our military and White House.... The free thinking people of this country stopped controlling their own fate and making their own decisions many many years ago.

I'd say were all fooked.

We have noted the problem

We have noted the problem with U.S. COIN doctrine failing to address the problem of when the interests of the host government are different from those of the United States.

Is there an additional problem, re: U.S. COIN doctrine, in this case with countries like Afghanistan specifically; wherein, the interests of the people in the various villages and valleys are at odds with those of the so-called host government?

Herein, I am talking about how the role of a central goverment may be a somewhat alien concept to the people in the various Afghan villages and valleys. These people, it would seem, have largely been self-sustaining, independent, free and commonly and routinely provide for their own security needs -- and generally do not look to a "central government" for help in these areas.

Such greater involvement now by a central government being considered something that they (the people of the villages and valleys) think they must fight back against.

Interesting anecdotal take

Interesting anecdotal take on the differences in the experiences required to be a good tactical commander as opposed to a good strategic commander. Not sure that it's sufficient to propose dividing general officers into tactical and strategic streams (along the lines of USMC Master Sergeant/First Sergeant divide), but it does suggest that, institutionally, more effort should be made to avoid a promotion system based on a relatively rigid set of 'checks in the box.' Uniformity, ironically enough, makes for a brittle army.

I love to see reference to

I love to see reference to great men like COLs Cavoli and Nicholson!

-Andy

I think Visitor 10:07 is

I think Visitor 10:07 is right on the money. Stabilizing the country != imposing a modern government.

It's often occurred to me that the Russians spent a long time telling their populations that capitalists were gangsters and robber barons. so when they turned to capitalism, that was their model of how it was supposed to work.

The Afghan understanding of government at many levels, I think, is basically giving up cash to whomever is pointing guns at you, and running them off when you can.

Maybe attempting to change that model is in order.

To Semore Burns, The US did

To Semore Burns,

The US did not have an "Indian problem" so much as Native Americans had an illegal immigrant problem.

Re: War is not just war (29

Re: War is not just war (29 Oct, 2039): Yes. Yes it is. Speaking as one of the lowly Army officers who has spend a little bit of time in Iraq I will agree that there are different approaches to COIN, CT, conventional, etc. fights. But in the end it is all a fight. War is war.

The real point I wanted to address was the differences pointed out between GENs Casey and Petraeus and their respective career paths. I agree that GEN Petraeus' path put him closer to the strategic levels than the path GEN Casey took. I imagine that GEN Casey is a more capable battalion and brigade commander, at least in the conventional fight. He would probably do better at the old school NTC than GEN Petraeus. That type of training does not do the Army a great deal of good when our senior commanders are expected to translate national policy into hard action on the ground. I agree with Mr Jaffe that GEN Casey is a smart man (and I do not say that because he is the current CSA, but if you're reading this GEN Casey let me just add that you're also a very powerful and handsome man), but he did not seem to grasp his role at MNF-I and how he should exert US influence.

It seems to me that the true difference between COIN and conventional fights is clarity of purpose in national strategy, i.e. clearly defined end states, known ways and means. In the conventional fight, say March to May 2003, the end was clear: oust Saddam. Following that though what did we, as a nation, want to accomplish? I do not think that was clearly defined. Individuals may have had clear goals, but as a whole we did not and this impacted the way we went about establishing the Iraqi Provisional Gov't and reconstruction efforts. Are we doing the same thing in Afghanistan? Being at the bottom of the totem pole I have no idea what conversations are taking place regarding national strategy in Afghanistan, but I hope that these conversations are taking place. It would be nice to know that we have some definite goals, otherwise we're just flailing about from administration to administration until we get sick enough and pull out. Without clarity of purpose at our national level it will not matter who commands on the ground in Afghanistan, we will fail to attain our goal because we will not have a goal to attain.

Comment by Gareth on October

Comment by Gareth on October 31, 2009 - 11:15am
"Re: War is not just war (29 Oct, 2039): Yes. Yes it is. Speaking as one of the lowly Army officers who has spend a little bit of time in Iraq I will agree that there are different approaches to COIN, CT, conventional, etc. fights. But in the end it is all a fight. War is war."

If it were, then the war in Iraq would have ended in May, 2003, when the king was taken - oops, I mean Saddam's statue was toppled. Or it would have ended in the summer of 2003, when US forces mopped up the scattered remains of the Iraqi Army as they tried to defend various tiny strongholds. Or it would have ended in December, 2003, when Saddam Hussein was captured.

A major problem in Iraq was that 'fire and maneuver' in a purely tactical space is far, far different from 'fire and maneuver' in a guerrilla war. The first is what the US Army and Marine Corps excelled in, and plays into US strengths of technology and money. The second is something that we don't do well. A reasonable view is that it took a replacement of much of the senior officer corps with the junior officers taking the lead.

Awakening in Afghanistan or

Awakening in Afghanistan or neighbourhood watch?As Security Worsens, An Afghan District Forms Its Own Militia
Sounds like the plot to a Western, slightly more than a Magnificent Seven though:
The man they called upon for help was at that time a successful Turkmen restaurateur in Mazar-i-Sharif. His name is Nabi, but like many Afghans with stature among their peers, he has a nickname. It is Gechi, Turkmen for "mountain goat." He earned it as a commander in the anti-Soviet mujahedin, when he moved around the mountains with all the agility of his namesake.

The local council raised money from the citizenry to equip Nabi with a force. To date, the force includes 60 fighters armed with Kalashnikovs, five RPGs, and a small, portable mortar. The council pays each man 6,200 Afghanis ($124) per month plus 2,000 Afghanis ($40) more for food.

Of Gen Petraeus: 'He spends

Of Gen Petraeus: 'He spends relatively little time in the field actually leading soldiers'

Which goes far to explain why he wears all that spinach and metal across the front of his torso. Has he never seen a photo of Dwight Eisenhower as a four- or five-star? Blue skies! -- Dan Ford

http://wimw-ford.blogspot.com/

The true character of

The true character of certain divergent interests in Afghanistan?:

a. Those of the United States.

b. Those of the so-called "host government" in Afghanistan.

c. Those of the generally independent, free, self-sustaining, self-governing, self-security-providing populations of the villages and valleys of Afghanistan.

1. The United States wants to use a central Afghan government to bring the population of Afghanistan under control for its (the United States') own purposes.

2. The present Afghan government wants to use the United States to bring the population of Afghanistan under control for its (the present Afghan government's) own purposes.

3. The largely independent and free people of the Afghan villages and valleys wish to remain independent and free from the manipulation, control and exploitation of either: (a) a central government or (b) a foreign occupier.

Thus, the central interests of the Afghan government and the United States would seem to be aligned: Both wish to subvert the independence of the Afghan people and bring this population under central government control.

The problems being that:

a. The Afghan government and the United States wish to subvert the freedom and independence of the Afghan people for divergent reasons. Thus, the argument as to what approach(es) to be used.

b. The Afghan people/population do not wish to see their traditional independence and freedom subverted and, therefore, appear willing to fight back.

c. In this fight back by the people of Afghanistan, the populations may perceive that (1) the the United States and the present Afghan government represent the greatest threat to their independence, freedom and traditional way-of-life and that, accordingly, (2) the Taliban/Al Qaeda represent a lesser such threat and may, therefore, be a better ally.

Is this a reasonably accurate portrayal of the divergent interests in Afghanistan (at least from the standpoint of the present Afghan government, the United States and the people of the villages and valleys of Afghanistan) and the problems presented therein?

***** "Warfare remains a

***** "Warfare remains a violent clash of interests between organized groups characterized by the use of force."

Today in Afghanistan there appears to be a clash of interests between (1) the general population and (2) the host government as supported by the foreign power.

***** "Joint doctrine defines an insurgency as an organized movement aimed at the overthrow of a constituted government through the use of subversion and armed conflict."

Today what we might be seeing is something entirely different than this. What we might be seeing today is an unorganized movement aimed -- not at the overthrow of a constituted government, per se -- but, instead, focused on retaining/securing/re-securing traditional village/valley freedom, independence and rights.

Considering these differences, should we continue to call what we are seeing as an "insurgency," and what we are doing as "counterinsurgency?" Or are there other terms which could better describe the process of trying to (1) impose central government over (2) a population that has decided that it wishes to remain free from such signficant outside influence and control?

As to "election(s)" and "vote(s)?" It appears that the people may not have fully understood what they were actually voting for/against in these elections. The people may not have understood that, in essence, what they were actually doing was "voting away" many of their traditional rights and much of their traditional independence and freedom. Now that these forfeitures provisions are better understood, the people may be seen as taking "corrective action" -- to try to nullify this mistake.

As a visitor already

As a visitor already mentioned, tribes in remote valleys do not really need central government. But they do need at least two things that are hard to provide locally:

a) access to health care,
b) availability of impartial and just system for dispute resolution.

From what I have read in Kilcullen's book, the Astan central government fails miserably on count b), and is widely regarded as inefficient and corrupt in judicial matters, resolving every case for the one side which gives greater bribe. The Taliban are viewed as cruel, but just.

However, with Karzai at the wheel, it will be hard to get rid of the nepotism problem.

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