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Afghanistan 2011: Three Scenarios

The David Fastabend question -- "How does this end?" -- has been one I have been asking myself in light of the current policy debates on Afghanistan. Accordingly, I sketched out three scenarios -- most dangerous, most likely, most desired -- and tried to imagine how U.S. policy decisions might bring each about. This is a little more sober than what is normally on offer at Abu Muqawama, so be sure to leave snarky remarks in the comments section. The link to this report on the CNAS website is here.

CNAS Policy Brief - Afghanistan 2011 - 3 Scenarios Nov 2009 (2)

Afghanistan

49 comments

can you make this

can you make this downloadable without having to use scribd?

my bad - didn't see the link

my bad - didn't see the link to the cnas website

The thing that jumps out at

The thing that jumps out at me is the assertion that denial of a terrorist safe haven is a "core American interest," or that such a safe haven is necessary to the continued existence or success of AQ and like-minded groups.

Malign actors around the world will continue to have the capability to kill Americans; this is something that's unlikely to ever change. AQ and its confederates don't presently present any larger threat to American interests (though that would certainly change if they were to come into possession of a WMD, either through "normal" proliferation or the collapse of a nuclear state).

Uncomfortable as it is to say, peace in Afghanistan may not be the priority for the U.S. and the world that you suggest it is. If the Durand Line serves as a sort of pressure valve for the release of Pakistani extremist tensions, and if Afghanistan ends up as a rump state in which regional conflict can be played out without the use of what may increasingly be seen as weapons of first resort between Pakistan and India...

Horrifying tragedy for Afghanistan and Afghans, but perhaps an acceptable tragedy for Americans.

I was wondering what I was

I was wondering what I was going to read after going through enhanced interrogation errrrr the dentist. I guess I won't put CNAS as spam on my work e-mail after all. :)

Did you give any thought to making the 3 scenarios not necessarily mutually independent? For instance we in fact embark on a "best case scenario" that after 3 years or so fails in its purpose and we then look towards moving to scenarios 1 or 2? Or the reverse we we go to a lesser scenario but an event, for instance another attack on the US planned and resourced from Afghanistan, compels us to revisit the issue? And do you really think that if we go #2 we'll completely remove all of our direct action and intel collection capability from Afghanistan? It's not Somalia where we can just sit off the coast or run in and out from friendly neighbors. What would be the cost of completely divesting ourselves from Afghanistan but then having to force open the door again for at least some level of force?

Moving another direction, I chuckled a bit when you mentioned land reform and I remembered the line in the recent NY Times article on McCrystal when he traveled to Garmsir and the Marines could not identify the ownership rights of local merchants and landowners. Apparently excercising COIN hasn't filtered down in its entirety yet. Also wondering if the recent open source reporting of the apparently fairly large, but decentralized, training programs for foreigners, including the security services' biggest fear, radicalized westerners, was too late for you to work in there to reitereate the ongoing risk to walking away (again).

Andrew I fell off a ladder

Andrew I fell off a ladder last week, and since then everything has become clear.

I can now see that the accusations of you being a zionist-imperialist-warmonger as well as a terrorist-loving-american-serviceman-endangering-hezzie/hamas/aq/tallie-sympathiser are true.

you are a mossad agent, and obviously all these terrorist groups are created, funded and guided by the zionist conspiracy so that the everything stays in perpetual conflict and the elders of zion who run the military industrial complex stay rich and in charge.

your cover as a CNAS chap allows you to conduct trips through the middle east to brief your agents, then report back to your masters in israel at the end. you recently did this, and sure enough the next week saw a wave of bombings and attacks as your minions commenced the new phase or your master plan. the bombings the week before were obviously just the last of the previous phase.

we're onto you Andrew.

Impossible to imagine that

Impossible to imagine that in the first two scenarios, Iran's position on the sidelines wouldn't fundamentally become more active (especially in the worst case scenario).

The Taliban and Pakistan are not facing dovish Khatami like they were pre 9/11. There's a far tougher crowd in power today in Tehran. Under no circumstances would Iran allow a return of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (your first scenario). You better be aware of that.

Again, a study of Iran's role in pre 9/11 Afghanistan would probably be worth your time. So, too, a brief examination of the historical Bakhtar and Aryana provinces.

It appears likely there will be fallout over the Pishin terrorist attack coming from the IRGC, in both Pakistan and Afghanistan. Even though a radical jump off the sidelines into Afghanistan isn't to be expected (right now the status quo is to Iran's advantage), still it's reasonable to expect some form of renewed initiative being taken within Afghanistan's domestic politics, or possibly even some sort of example by proxy being set upon the actual battlefield.

diablotakahe: Is AM reallly

diablotakahe: Is AM reallly Alex Schindler?
"And taking out terrorists who happen to be politicians too doesn't strike me as unreasonable when they have posed a direct threat to you in the past and constantly threaten, verbally and through (illegal) military stockpiling, to do so again."
Comment by Alex Schindler on October 20, 2009 - 10:38am

Alex seems to live in a world so small that everyone agrees on who the terrorists are.

No, I don't think AM and Alex are the same people: AM reads history and questions his own verities, as well as those of others. Alex just doesn't seem to get that others might find his idea of what is reasonable to be, instead, terrifying.

this is all part of the

this is all part of the coded discourse between AM and his legion of agents. i have been conducting a complex and lengthy analysis and can reveal whenever certain trolls suggest 'going roman' they are in fact letting AM know that their terrorist mission has been launched beyond the point of no return..

Andrew: You note at the end

Andrew:

You note at the end of the paper that Afghanistan had been at [relative] peace for a half century until the Soviet invasion in 1979. Fair enough, but it was a peace that they worked out themselves without a substantial and long term foreign occupier in their land. What happened to the two British adventures into Afghanistan in the 19th Century when they as an occupying power tried to impose peace at the barrel of a gun?

Why do you think the United States can do it now? Your best case scenario crumbles into fantasy when considered in the light of history and more importantly thought through with reasoned strategy. Go back and re-read Kalyvas and tell me how the United States can maintain persistent control in Astan with military force with a paltry few more brigades even if they are wielding the light sabers of 3-24. I just don’t see it, and the more that I read from the advocates of population centric coin the more fantastic your claims appear to me of promise and hope in the Hindu Kush if we just persevere, try harder, listen to you and the rest of the experts, and cough up just a bit more troops.

Ahh, you say that until

Ahh, you say that until those pesky Marxists took over Afghanistan there was peace... Is that really the same as NOT AT WAR? Don't take this as an intellectual mind f, rather, what I mean is that perhaps there wasn't enough central unity or cohesion to allow Afghanistan to "be at war" in the first place.

If Afghanistan is in fact its biggest enemy it is because the West has tried to create somthing on this slice of the Cen. Asian platu that has never been in touch with reality in the first place. Afghanistan is the name of a nation state--not the tribal, fudeal and most certainly not British-minded place that we see it.

My biggest problem with your 3 scenarios is that they are all still from the point of view of the Westerner. And so it was that Afghanistan was created in the first place.

Two things spring to mind, a

Two things spring to mind, a post over at Tom Barnett's site that links a Wired article about slums being a springboard to a better way of life and the Land Register. What links those two thoughts was a report I saw the other night on Australian TV about slums in Kabul being bulldozed and mansions replacing them, land sold to Karzai affiliates are rock bottom prices.

Having a section of the community in an area that pushed them toward betterment, hard as that may be, can only be beneficial. Now I don't know for certain that living in a slum is a good thing, but Stewert Brand who is references for the Wired article thinks so. It decreases the amount of children families have, drives them to educate those remaining children more, empowers women - the panacea for many of Afghanistan's issues.

However none of that occurs if there are no slums because Karzai affiliates have torn them down to build what can only be described as monstrosities ( in architectural terms) .

That only stops with the cessation of corruption and that only stop s if the US and allies get firm enough with Karzai. Exum has a point - the window of opportunity is small and I'd like to see some of that old school American get up and go applied to convincing the current government that they cannot act the way they do and expect a blank cheque in return.

Oh, and everything that gian

Oh, and everything that gian p gentile said in his comment too.

Andrew, First, good quotes

Andrew,

First, good quotes on your weekly rounds with the reporters. I thought you did well.

Second, I won't be as harsh as COL Gentile, but I am going to give you a peer-reviewed B minus for that paper. My critique follows along the lines of what Gulliver initially posted. Don't take it personal. It's just my opinion. Here it goes...

-If we left A'stan tomorrow, seriously packed up and left, Karzai's tribe would duke it out with the Taliban. Got it. In this worse-case scenario, are we supposed to presume that within two years that the Taliban would have full control of the country and AQ would have substanial safe-havens, training camps, and projection capability to be set for a 9/10? I would say no. Even if they did, would that be such a bad thing for us? Back in the late 1990's and early 2000's, when the Taliban controlled A'stan, we had plenty of opportunities to take down UBL. Both the Clinton and Bush administration failed to do so. Maybe we should let AQ come down from the hills, attrit themselves with the ANA, and then strike. It's like rugby rather than football where one plays for space rather than trying to gain yardage.

-As for the middle-scenario, why don't we see how it works out? If the boss doesn't give McChrystal anymore troops, then he already has an additional 30,000 to secure the major cities, buy time for the ANA to stand up, and put some pressure on the A'stan gov't.

- As for your best-case scenario, we lack the civilian surge and host-nation support to make it succeed. Here's my prediction. The boys (military) would surge over the next two years clearing and rooting out every inch of ground. We'll suffer casualties, and at the end of the day, we'll probably be in the same spot that we are right now.

Just my critique. Take some time to consider it. If you've been following SWJ, particularly Steve Metz's piece, then you'll see how I'm trying to frame things to something that I understand. Besides my tough critique, I'm enjoying your blog. Take care, and tell Craig Mulhaney that I said hello and I appreciated the piece that he posted from MG Bob Scales.

v/r

Mike

Oh Ye of Little Faith, Why

Oh Ye of Little Faith,

Why do you assert that the "most likely" scenario is one where, "the Obama Administration cautiously transitions to a coordinated counterterrorism mission where allied engagement is limited to training Afghanistan national security forces, employing precision airpower and conducting direct-action special operations."?

Where is your justification for this call on probability of outcome? It would seem that you have been driven into unjustified hand-wringing by a very public media spin on NSC deliberations that have not yet invalidated ANY SINGLE ONE of the assumptions underpinning the President's March 2007 strategy review led by Bruce Reidel. Thus - and in spite of the highly motivated public spin - it is equally, if not entirely more, plausible that the realities of the situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan will trump this interlude of domestic political mastichation and the President will decide to invest - for at least 3-to-5 years - in the strategy of properly resourced counter-insurgency in Afghanistan and expanding anti-militant partnership with Pakistan.

Continue to follow the statements (and the silence) of Secretary Gates. The adult leadership and ultimate sober decision by this Commander-in-Chief will be most influenced by him, not by those breathlessly leaking every tidbit of privileged NSC information they can to the defense reporters for the Times, the Post and USA Today.

I was thinking that, in the

I was thinking that, in the event of a precipitate American withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Pakistani government might seek to reach an accommodation with the Islamist bunga-bungas in which a substantial number of them would leave the country to set up up shop across the border and rout the non-Pashtuns in Afghanistan. Facing the prospect of protracted civil war, the Pakistanis would seek to export their terrorist problem; facing the prospect of stalemate south of the Durand Line and no American army north of it, a fair number of their terrorists would oblige them.

There would follow the requisite bloodletting in Afghanistan, possibly with greater Iranian involvement than we have seen up to now, along with the reestablishment of al Qaeda Terrorist U. This could enjoy renewed support from ISI now that it was off Pakistani soil and directing its operations once again at Western and Indian interests. The Pakistani security services could then break off their current unnatural preoccupation with Pakistan's domestic enemies and resume their traditional, greatly treasured and more than a little idiotic preoccupation with the Indian threat. That preoccupation, the provocations of the Islamists with which Pakistan has settled and the reduced attention of Islamabad's American overseers will combine to produce a fourth India-Pakistan war sometime before 2020, which will include the detonation of somewhere between two and twelve nuclear warheads over South Asian cities.

OK, nuclear war is a worst case scenario. I admit that. I'll also admit that keeping an American army in Afghanistan would not be my first choice among policy options to foreclose this possibility. Weakening the enemy on the battlefield, in the short term, and undermining the core of its recruitment appeal to disaffected young men without purpose in their lives, in the long term, seem to me the best steps for the United States to secure its interests, allow the retrenchment this country badly needs and incidentally permit Afghanistan a fighting chance to make a peace for itself. Having said that, I cannot escape the thought that we could do everything right and still see things end in catastrophe. Modern means of destruction in the hands of cultures used to thinking of their enemies in tribal terms are bad enough when they go no farther than roadside bombs, automatic rifles and airliners full of fuel. In Pakistan today they go much further than that. I do not trust these people.

I do not trust these

I do not trust these people.

Better learn to love them, for insofar as Iraq and Afghanistan, it is the local peoples and politicians that will largely determined our fate. With large amounts of influence from their regional neighbors ... Syria, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran ... and the 'Stans, Pakistan, Iran, Russia, China, India, et. all.

....

Yeah, Allah help us.

"I do not trust these

"I do not trust these people," being a quote from Zathras.

Zathras: "Modern means of

Zathras: "Modern means of destruction in the hands of cultures used to thinking of their enemies in tribal terms are bad enough when they go no farther than roadside bombs, automatic rifles and airliners full of fuel."

Would you explain the difference you see between cultural definitions of an enemy "in tribal terms" and those which are in terms of "the national interest"? I ask because the difference to me seems to be the amount of power held by different cultures in a technological world.

I admit also to not being sure what is meant by "In Pakistan today they go much further than that." Would you give examples of what, specifically, you mean?

What I mean is: The

What I mean is: The significant difference to me seems to be the amount of power held by different cultures in a technological world, rather than the terms by which those cultures define the enemy.

I think you miss out big on

I think you miss out big on one part of the worst-case scenario, in that you continue to think on a nation-base. Rather, a likely outcome seems to me to be the de-facto splitup of Afghanistan, the establishment of a anarchic confederation of Taleban as de-facto rulers of the south, and a return to civil war and all the joys that will bring. WHile the fact that terrorists can breed anywhere remains, such a operational vacuum is bound to be like a flypaper to young jihadis, serving as a catalyst. We all remember the former generation of mujahedin and their organic development into AQ. What will the next generation get up to, if given a victory and a staging base?

Great job. I think the

Great job. I think the following article effectively illustrates the perspective of the European left... Striking example of a fundamental failure to grasp COIN and indeed, the broader strategic context of Afghanistan.

http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/johann-hari/johann-har...

This post has been linked

This post has been linked for the HOT5 Daily 10/20/2009, at The Unreligious Right

Andrew, Karzai discussed

Andrew, Karzai discussed what he would do in the worst case outcome you discussed during his trilateral meeting with Bush and Musharraf. Karzai threatened Musharraf that if NATO withdrew support from Afghanistan (because Pakistani backed extremists were causing them to bleed), Karzai would be forced to call in Russian and Indian help, and that this would be very negative for Pakistan. Although Karzai didn't mention this in front of Bush, Karzai would also bring in Iranian help, Chinese help, and to a lesser degree the help of the 5 Stans in this scenario. In other words a long term war between the GIRoA and ANSF (backed by its allies) against the Taliban backed by her allies.

However this isn't the worst case scenario. The worse case scenario is a major terrorist strike against Iran, China, India, or Russia, Europe or America, that causes them to go full blast against Pakistan or the Taliban in Afghanistan. This has the possibility of precipitating a nuclear exchange.

gian p gentile, some historical notes:
"it was a peace that they worked out themselves without a substantial and long term foreign occupier in their land."
-not completely true. Afghanistan has rarely been independent within its current boundaries over the past 5,000 years. Afghanistan has usually been part of a larger international empire or allied to international empires. The peace of 1919-1973 was permitted by a huge international aid program (gigantic when compared to Afghan Government annual tax revenues), and a complex alliance between Afghanistan and Iran, Pakistan, India (or British Raj 1919-1947), West, and the USSR. All of them agreed to provide foreign aid collaboratively to Afghanistan, and to not fight each other inside Afghanistan. When Afghanistan's allies started fighting among themselves, Afghanistan's domestic peace fell apart.

"What happened to the two British adventures into Afghanistan in the 19th Century when they as an occupying power tried to impose peace at the barrel of a gun?" The Brits were amazingly effective. Remember that before the Brits, Afghanistan included all of modern Pakistan, much of Northern India, Eastern Iran and much of the former Soviet Union. The Brits partitioned Punjab, Kashmir, and Pakistan out of Afghanistan and ruled them fairly well. The Brits allowed Persia and Russia to seize parts of Afghanistan. The remaining rump state became a British protectorate. The British protectorate of Afghanistan proved loyal to the British Raj, and low maintenance. Without much expense or fighting, Afghanistan was part of British empire until 1919. Gentile, by the standards of previous millenia, British rule and influence in Afghanistan were large successes. Just two lost battles in one century? Not bad. The Brits won the other battles,and often enjoyed decades of tranquility at a time. Note that the Brits ruled much of India the same way they ruled Afghanistan, through local kings supported by the Brits. The large kingdoms were the Nizam of Hyderabad (last remnant of the Seljik Turk Mongol Moghul Empire that ruled Afghanistan for two centuries), Afghanistan, Kashmir (which the Brits split out of Afghanistan), Punjab (which the Brits split out of Afghanistan), Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangalore.

"Why do you think the United States can do it now? Your best case scenario crumbles into fantasy when considered in the light of history and more importantly thought through with reasoned strategy. Go back and re-read Kalyvas and tell me how the United States can maintain persistent control in Astan with military force with a paltry few more brigades even if they are wielding the light sabers of 3-24. I just don’t see it, and the more that I read from the advocates of population centric coin the more fantastic your claims appear to me of promise and hope in the Hindu Kush if we just persevere, try harder, listen to you and the rest of the experts, and cough up just a bit more troops."

Gentile, who said anything about the US doing it by themselves? Why not do it through the GIRoA and ANSF? Spending $120 billion on grants to the ANSF over the next 20 years is a lot cheaper than doing it ourselves. Lets remember that Al Qaeda linked networks pose a greater threat to Iran, Russia, the 5 Stans, China and India than they do to NATO. Part of the solution is bringing them in and forcing them to pay part of the bill for the ANSF and Afghan economic development.

We perhaps need to define victory better. If the ANSF give the extremists one hell of a fight over more than a decade, that = victory, because it would divert the attention of AQ linked networks from creating trouble elsewhere. If we define this as victory and focus on increasing the capacity and performance of the ANSF, why do you think this strategy won't succeed?

Gentile, would you agree that training the ISF was a success? If the US military could build up the ISF, why can't we (assisted by many other countries) achieve the same with the ANSF. Remember that only this past summer, Russia publicly offered more help in training and equipping the ANSF, an offer they were not accepted (in part because of Afghan domestic politics.) India has offered to play a much larger role in training the ANSF, but India's offers have not been accepted to avoid offending Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Iran offered to help train the ANSF under US command in 2001 and 2002. The Bush Administration didn't accept the Iranian offer. Many other countries, including in NATO, are willing to help with the ANSF.

Did you all read commenter

Did you all read commenter 'omar' over at SWJ? Interesting.

http://smallwarsjournal.com/blog/2009/10/cnas-releases-afghanistan-poli/...

@ anan: Everyone is using Afghanistan as a proxy, or is going to be tempted to, which is why the offers of 'help' were rejected in some instances. The offers of training were essentially to keep a hand in and have leverage over the situation, I think. Heck, even the most ambitious COIN is simply *our* version of using Afghanistan as a proxy in the hopes that ANSF will keep extremists busy, as you state above, and to put pressure on Pakistan to make a different set of decisions regarding strategic depth in Afghanistan (see omar's comment). It may be that there is more than one solution to the problem set, as others have stated.

Yeah, I got no clue just like the rest of you! :)

I think the paper is

I think the paper is generally on target. And I too think that a stable Afghanistan is NOT impossible, but would take hard work, which the US may not be willing to do (or capable of doing? one has to consider that imperial decay may already be past the point of no return).
Some commentators feel that this overstates the importance of the "af-pak haven" for AQ. While it is true that AQ does not really NEED a haven to continue as a terrorist group, a victory in Afghanistan would make a huge difference to their prospects. The difference is the difference between Baader-Meinhoff and a serious worldwide threat. Defeat in Afghanistan would make the whole AQ project seem even more of a fantasy and a cultish fringe act. They would still get the occasional Saudi willing to walk around with explosives up his butt, but such nutcases would not have wide support in the Muslim community (which would see them as dangerous crazies, not a serious alternative to the current crop of corrupt "leaders"). On the other hand, if the US goes down to defeat in Af-pak, it would translate into a huge boost to the jihadi project. They would have proven their point: they got a superpower to walk into their trap and they defeated the superpower. Palestinians and others Muslim communities with grievances (real AND imagined) do not have to regard these people as medieval crazy morons who are more dangerous to their own community than they are a threat to US-Israel. Instead, they can see them as a real alternative to all the "corrupt puppets" the US has supported all over the Muslim world. Increasing numbers of Muslims will start thinking afresh about joining the cause or at least hedging their bets. Maybe no dominoes will actually fall, but many dominoes will have to be rescued using brute force, nasty tactics and extreme violence. Baader Meinhoff never got that far.....

To second Gian, the 50 years

To second Gian, the 50 years of “peace” in Astan were not exactly peaceful. To paraphrase: “Before Team Russia showed up, it was a happy place. They had flowery meadows and rainbow skies, and rivers made of chocolate, where the children danced and laughed and played with gumdrop smiles.” Well, except for the internal power plays and assassinations.

Also between 1929 and 1979 the global big boys were a bit occupied with more important issues than to be concerned with some landlocked Central Asian country with no significant economic or strategic value: the Depression, Stalin’s collectivization programs, WW II, start of the Cold War, Britain’s decolonization, Mao’s victory, Malaya, Korean War, Indochina, Khrushchev’s post-Stalin reforms, Vietnam…

Given Galula’s counterinsurgent/insurgent formula there is no way we are ready, or even able, to commit the forces necessary to pacify or stabilize the Pashtun regions. 40K more troops is a mere drop in the bucket. I’m also of the opinion that the Karzai government has pretty much nullified any of its credibility with the populace, so there slips another of Galula's tenants for a successful COIN campaign.

I prefer to avoid Vietnam comparisons but in the instance where we were convinced that it was of vital strategic import that we maintain a "free" and "democratic" South Vietnam it's fall in 1975 proved otherwise. Thus we should very carefully examine exactly what our true purpose is in Astan and whether the cost of that purpose is truly in the "vital strategic interests" of our national security.

At the height of Vietnam there were around 536,000 US military and 900,000 ARVN (so not counting US civilians or para-military SVN police) to control 67,000 sq miles and 19 million people. We ultimately failed.

Today there are less than 500,000 US and Afghanis attempting to maintain control over 251,000 sq miles and 28 million people. Even discounting the northern portions of Astan one must then include the entire western portions of Pakistan where AQ and the TB take refuge.

Even counting our vastly improved ISR capability from 1968 (the typical Talib is armed and equipped in a similar fashion as the VC and, other than night vision and body armor, the GI's arms and equipment are pretty much the same too) one cannot "clear, hold, and build" given our present commitment, so Galula’s math says we fail.

Our whole rational for remaining in Astan is based on the premise that we are preventing AQ from using it as a safe haven from which to operate. It seems AQ is a pretty mobile entity and acts more as a headquarters element that can set up shop most anywhere. Eastern Astan/FATA/NWFP has merely proven to be a natural fortress that pretty much mitigates much of our superiority in weapons and systems with the added bonus of a passive (at least towards them) population.

We will not "win" in Astan, since no one since Alexander really knows what winning there consists of. The best you hope for is that the crazies pretty much stay in the area and prey on one another.

Gentile, would you agree

Gentile, would you agree that training the ISF was a success? If the US military could build up the ISF, why can't we (assisted by many other countries) achieve the same with the ANSF.

I, for one, am not sure whether the situations are comparable. Iraq had a long tradition of having an unified, effective army, which actually fought many battles in the 20th century and won some of them. Therefore, the concept of a "national" armed force which, at least theoretically, should be neutral WRT tribal structures, is acceptable and imaginable for the population.

Afghanistan is much more tribally fragmented and I am not sure whether something like real Afghan national, tribe-neutral army ever existed. Building something from the scratch, without pre-existing concepts in minds of the population, may be harder to do.

My excitement upon seeing

My excitement upon seeing your paper quickly faded as I read each paragraph. Scenario one is a made-up fantasy without much use for the real debate. And scenario three! The White House defined this as a war of necessity, so there is no credible threat hanging over Karzai that we're about to split, as you suggest in 'Foundation for Peace'. And since he sang the right tune about a runoff, he's got a second chance in our eyes. The only real threat was if he demanded a first round victory. And the presence of our troops has already subverted the Afghan political process, so you argue we should communicate a black list just to ensure the process is doubly screwed? I thought COIN was all about out governing the bad guys....Don't we need a credible partner above all else, and not to be screwing the process? Sorry dude, but apply some more polish to your crystal ball and take another look at the next 48 months.

Problem number one is that

Problem number one is that the previous admin apparently only saw Afghanistan as a staging area on the way to Iran, which is why they got rid of all the local leadership that was on good terms with Iranian border guards, i.e. Northern Alliance types, thus allowing the Taliban to become established in the west and north of the country, which is what McChrystal said he did not expect.

Then you have the record of Unocal in Afghanistan, and the pipeline project for Central Asia, which would bypass Russia, ever of interest to Ms. Central Asian oil, i.e. Condi Rice - and Cheney made more than a few trips to the region as well. You can bet there are still a few hangers-on there, visions of sugarplums dancing in their fevered brains - to quote Road Warrior, "circling and circling, like angry ants gone mad for the smell of gasoline."

Putting such geostrategic and energy concerns aside, and avoiding the Baluchistan bombing and the largely undiscussed link to the proposed Iranian-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, say it isn't Saudi intrigue, or maybe the Iranians blew themselves up to get some attention and justify a crackdown across the region, WTFDAK? (hint: last three letters stand for "does anyone know.")...

Okay, putting all that aside, what do the Afghan people think about everything? Stuck between the Taliban and U.S. forces and a rather highly corrupt government in Kabul that appears to make a living skimming off reconstruction aid and heroin sales, ahem, what do they think? During the day, they're interrogated by U.S. soldiers, during the night they're interrogated by the Taliban.

In order to survive, these villagers have to be among the best diplomats anywhere - and perhaps it's time to give them some direct assistance rather than trying to funnel it through obviously corrupt USAID/State - Flour/LouisBerger/Bechtel deals - those have built a lot of McMansions in Kabul, but not much else. Say, solar-powered water pumps, irrigation piping, sacks of non-explosive grade fertilizer and farming tools for starters.

As McChrystal said, if you don't get the locals on your side, you haven't got a chance of hitting the most favorable outcome.

g.d.: Bless ya.

g.d.: Bless ya.

One is increasingly coming

One is increasingly coming to the conclusion that this may be the Autumn of discontent for the COINdinistas.

Jeff M: Or in other words,

Jeff M: Or in other words, they are going to do something monumentally stupid *again*.

Strangely compelling blog

Strangely compelling blog from documentary maker, Adam Curtis (The Power of Knightmares, Century of the Self), made up of obscure footage re. Western involvement in Afghanistan: Kabul: City Number One - Part 3. The earlier parts are there also, but not very well linked. A bit off topic but still under the (non- pop cent) CI umbrella KINSHASA: CITY NUMBER TWO re. mercenary counter revolution. Not sure what it all means but some nice old footage.

I think you've miscued here.

I think you've miscued here. You refer to, and purport to put forth, three "scenarios" for Afghanistan. "Scenario" is a word that has a very defined meaning in the field of strategic planning, yet I don't see any evidence that you completed the sort of work required to create a "scenario," nor that you profited from using the scenarios, except to bolster a pre-existing bias that you brought into the exercise. In scenario planning, you first have to deal with what Paul Saffo called the "cone of uncertainty." You have to define the areas that are outside your ability to predict. Then, in creating these plausible, but structurally different, possible futures, you identify the driving forces that cause the futures to diverge. Importantly--if you were really constructing a scenario--you would then identify leading indicators that could be tracked, objectively, so that a planning team could hold a useful conversation as to which scenario might be unfolding, and to do so without being infected by bias, at least to the extent possible. I see nothing of the sort in what you are calling "scenarios."

I suggest that you read Kees Van der Heijden's "Scenarios: The Art of Strategic Conversation," published by Wiley. Van der Heijden was part of the legendary Royal Dutch Shell scenario planning team in the 1970's and '80's, along with folks like Peter Schwartz, who headed the team. The benefit of scenario planning is two-fold: it can help a team, over time, to tamp down bias and learn what the environment is telling it about how the future is unfolding, and it can identify ahead of time what might be the most likely leading indicators of change.

On one of the LongNow Foundation's podcasts, Stewart Brand tells the story of Peter Schwartz, in the early 1980's, briefing the CIA on Russia during the Cold War. He presented four scenarios, one of which had the Soviet Union collapsing entirely. Those present in the meeting were impressed, but one very experienced, very senior intelligence officer spoke up, saying that while it would make sense to discuss three of the scenarios, one was "off the table" as it clearly "never would happen in our lifetimes." That scenario was the one in which the Soviet Union collapsed. And the intelligence officer was named Robert Michael Gates.

Interestingly, the lead indicator for that scenario was to watch the rise of a little known figure at the time, a guy named Mikhail Gorbachev. Scenarios are sometimes most useful when they tell you things that conflict with the expectations that you bring in to the scenario planning process.

Your paper is a policy paper. It should be labeled as such and you should strike all references to scenarios.

Moreover, you should reconsider Chamberlin's methodology of using multiple working hypotheses, if you intend to float a credible assessment of alternatives. The way you've structured your paper, you set up a couple of straw men; point out some weaknesses; then suggest that there is one last difficult, but realistic solution--that championed by CNAS. That's a lousy way to convince critical thinkers. You just as equally could have started out by criticizing the deepest assumptions of COIN, then concluded that a more measured way to proceed would surely be to follow a counter-terrorist strategy. Real strategic planning doesn't work that way. You can't deem the scenarios that will unfold; nor announce by fiat, for example, that the counter-terrorist strategy will "likely not work." Worst of all, you cannot, under any circumstances consistent with objectivity arrive at your final "scenario" by gilding it as the obviously preferred solution, even if you think that's correct. The very value of a scenario planning exercise is to take you out of your preconceptions, not to confirm them. You are not using the "scenarios" you've set forth as a learning tool; that's because they are not scenarios.

To engage in a scenario planning exercise, you have to do the hard work of identifying the key, pivotal assumptions that differentiate one scenario from the next, then back your professional judgement up with an ex ante description of the circumstances in which you'd be wrong. I don't see that you've done that.

Your piece is an opinion piece. It's an advocacy piece and should be labeled as such and solely as such. It's definitely not a "scenario" planning exercise, nor should it even be regarded as a policy piece, strictly speaking, as the weight of biased assumptions is just too great. Please understand that I don't for a minute question the existence of underlying work of which you were a part or even of the merits of your conclusion. But if the work is not shown and the methods of choosing between various plausible outcomes is not based on the articulation and tracking of variables that transcend your initial assumptions, then I can't in good conscience accept this as anything other than an op/ed.

If CNAS wants to keep its reputation, you should pull this from the website; rebrand it as an op/ed; and have at it. Shop it around to various media outlets and try to affect policy. Just don't pretend that it's something it's not. Scenario planning, and the hard, candid, strategic conversations we should be having about Afghanistan are just too important for us to pretend that we are having them.

abu Muqawama is WAY OFF BASE

abu Muqawama is WAY OFF BASE when it comes to drones strikes.

From the Long War Journal:
...Bergen and Tiedemann did a fairly good job with their analysis. They debunked some of the rather outlandish estimates of civilian deaths -- including that of Andrew Exum and David Kilcullen, who implausibly claimed in a New York Times op-ed that 98 percent of the casualties from drone strikes have been civilians. Our 10 percent civilian casualty figure was, as we noted, a low-end estimate. A 30 percent civilian casualty rate is certainly plausible.

Read more: http://www.longwarjournal.org/threat-matrix/archives/2009/10/predators_t...

(George Soros' Lancet study on civilian casualties in Iraq is ringing a bell with me right now...)

Even if the high end is right, Exum is still WAY OFF! What else is Exum utterly wrong on?

If we were able to vote, I'd

If we were able to vote, I'd vote "no!" on these "scribd" thinger-ma-dingies. (And wag my purple finger.) They totally discombobulate my computer everytime I try to stroll past. I can click on a link. Really. I did appreciate the piece, nevertheless.

@Kevin - ON POINT CNAS would

@Kevin - ON POINT

CNAS would be well served to nix the push up contests in the gym in favor of virabhadrasana stretches. Flexibility and balance as strength for your war ideologies are incompatible with your proclivity for state (exercises). NO metaphor involved here.

"They debunked some of the

"They debunked some of the rather outlandish estimates of civilian deaths -- including that of Andrew Exum and David Kilcullen, who implausibly claimed in a New York Times op-ed that 98 percent of the casualties from drone strikes have been civilians. Our 10 percent civilian casualty figure was, as we noted, a low-end estimate. A 30 percent civilian casualty rate is certainly plausible."

That's great! We are only killing a tenth of the number of innocent civilians that we thought! Excellent.

I used to beat my wife an average of 4 times a week. Now I only beat her twice a month. Her family love me now.

Thus cogently and correctly

Thus cogently and correctly spoke Zarathustra

Well, it's about time. Hope

Well, it's about time. Hope you're stopping by the White House on your way out.

from stratfor.com Obama does

from stratfor.com

Obama does not want this to be his war. He does not want to be remembered for Afghanistan the way George W. Bush is remembered for Iraq or Lyndon Johnson is for Vietnam. Right now, we suspect Obama plans to demonstrate commitment, and to disengage at a more politically opportune time. Johnson and Bush showed that disengagement after commitment is nice in theory. For our part, we do not think there is an effective strategy for winning in Afghanistan, but that McChrystal has proposed a good one for "hold until relieved." We suspect that Obama will hold to show that he gave the strategy a chance, but that the decision to leave won't be too far off.

Comment by Visitor on

Comment by Visitor on October 21, 2009 - 5:52pm
"Strangely compelling blog from documentary maker, Adam Curtis (The Power of Knightmares, Century of the Self), made up of obscure footage re. Western involvement in Afghanistan"

Maybe if we all joined hands and visited his blog we could convince him to release a 10th anniversary commemorative edition of his documentary about how al Qaeda is a completely invented terrorist group that never existed.

Maybe if we all joined hands

Maybe if we all joined hands and visited his blog we could convince him to release a 10th anniversary commemorative edition of his documentary about how al Qaeda is a completely invented terrorist group that never existed.

It would be tough; he'd have to go back 10 years and make it first. Perhaps we should spend a little time identifying the specific lies in your shitty little effort? First of all, The Power of Nightmares didn't appear in 1999, but 2004, so it could hardly be a 10th anniversary. Second, as you would know if you had watched it rather than copy-pasting talking points from red-baiter sites, he didn't say that al-Qai'da (spelling!) is "invented" at all, let alone "completely". In fact, the film contains footage of leading figures in the movement speaking about their aims and objectives. Third, in the light of this, he cannot logically have stated that it "never existed".

al-Qai'da (spelling!) It's

al-Qai'da (spelling!)

It's always difficult to transliterate a sound that doesn't exist in English, but your version is downright nonsensical. "Qa'ida" would make sense, but would be a bit obscure. "Qaeda" is a reasonable phonetic rendering for our delicate Western throats.

Back to topic: Is there a serious possibility that Iran might pick up the fight if we just cut and run and the Taleban take over the place again?

Yes there may have been one

Yes there may have been one or two genuine wierdos who took aim at you but lets not pretend they were in any way represenative. If we made a list of bloggers/ critics who launched reasonable criticisms of your CNAS Coin agenda, it would be pretty long.

as it is to say, peace in

as it is to say, peace in Afghanistan may not be the priority for the U.S. and the world that you suggest it is. ads|part time jobs|import export

Spring is a very pleasant

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I come here often to read and

I come here often to read and I have to say you have some good articles, thanks

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