
QUESTION: Can you give us – well, what is the State Department’s definition geographically of Southwest Asia? What countries does that include?MR. WOOD: Matt, I didn’t --QUESTION: No, you guys named an envoy for Southwest Asia. I presume that you know what countries that includes.MR. WOOD: Yes. Of course, we know. I just – I don’t have the list to run off – you know, right off the top of my head here. But obviously, that’s going to encompass – that region encompasses Iran. It will – you know, it’ll deal with --
QUESTION: Does it include Iraq?MR. WOOD: Indeed, it does.... .QUESTION: And so, does it include parts of the Middle East?MR. WOOD: Yes.QUESTION: It does? Does it include Syria, and it includes Israel and it includes Jordan?MR. WOOD: Well, he’ll be looking at the entire region that will include, you know –QUESTION: Where does that stop? I mean, you know, you have NEA which, you know, runs all the way to Morocco. So does it include –MR. WOOD: Well, he’s going to be in touch with a number of officials who work on issues throughout this region.
QUESTION: I mean, does this – is there a geographic limit to his portfolio, or is it really an issues-based thing so that he could be dealing with Morocco and Algeria --MR. WOOD: Yeah.QUESTION: -- and Tunisia --MR. WOOD: I would look at it, Matt, as more of a regional --QUESTION: -- and Kyrgyzstan, and the -stans that are not covered by Ambassador Holbrooke? And does it include Turkey? Does it – you know, there are a lot of unanswered questions from – from the statement last night as to exactly what he’s going to be doing. I mean, I presume it’s all of the Gulf – Saudi Arabia, that makes sense. But does it include Somalia, which is – you know, that there is – does it include – I don’t know --
President-elect Barack Obama is leaning toward asking Defense Secretary Robert Gates to remain in his position for at least a year, according to two Obama advisers. A senior Pentagon official said Mr. Gates would likely accept the offer if it is made.
In his Orbis article, provocatively titled “Innovation or Inertia,” the author recounts in detail the new directives and initiatives undertaken by the American military since 9/11. He suggests that the reforms point to “a potential turning-point in the history of the U.S. military.” Yet the Pentagon’s defense strategy and budget suggests otherwise. This leads Ucko to ask “what are the prospects of the U.S. military truly learning counterinsurgency”? Aside from rhetoric, how committed is DoD to the required changes needed to make America’s military as dominant in COIN and other forms of irregular warfare as it currently is in conventional warfare?Abu Muqawama just printed off the article and is about to read it on his way home. You can do the same either via SWJ or the IRG.
"It used to be that Army officers tended to marry inside the family, the daughters of other officers. But as people become more mobile, they’re doing the wacky thing I did, which was to marry the girl I met at Oxford. The hardest job in the Army isn’t being a soldier; it’s being married to one."
The first time Abu Muqawama noticed anyone write about this was when Andrew Tilghman did in his excellent cover story on the exodus of junior officers in the Washington Monthly. Tilghman wrote:
Perhaps the most powerful new element affecting officers' willingness to stay in the Army is the shifting dynamic of marriage and the roles of men and women in the family. Even in the rather traditional realm of Army culture, fathers now expect to be more actively involved in raising their children, and women tend to be less deferential to their husband's career. Among baby boomers, officers' wives were usually homemakers. Today, however, many officers' wives are doctors or lawyers or have degrees in international affairs, and there are few opportunities for them in places like Kentucky or West Texas.WASHINGTON - Defense Secretary Robert Gates broke his right shoulder in a fall on an icy step at his home in Washington, D.C., and was being treated at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, the Pentagon said.
Gates was taken to the military medical center Wednesday morning after realizing that the injury he suffered Tuesday night required medical attention, Pentagon press secretary Geoff Morrell said.
It was during the panel’s trip to Iraq in August 2006 that Gates was sold on the idea of a surge — though as a prelude to troop reductions. He and the others were briefed by the multinational corps commander in Iraq, Lt. Gen. Pete Chiarelli. According to one participant in the briefing, who is still on active duty and not authorized to speak on the record, Chiarelli put forth what would be the principal rationale for the surge that eventually began last February. The main problem in Iraq, Chiarelli told them, was the sectarian nature of the Shiite-led government and its refusal to reach out to Sunnis. Before the factions could reach a political settlement, they needed Baghdad to be secure. Security was also needed for the steady supply of essential services, which in turn might build allegiance to the government and dry up support for the insurgents. Boosting security, though, meant more troops. Without more troops, Chiarelli told them, he could “clear” Baghdad of insurgents, but he couldn’t “hold” the city — he couldn’t keep it secure — much less “build” its infrastructure.
Gates and Chiarelli hit if off so well that after Gates came to the Pentagon, he hired the general to be his senior military assistant. Chiarelli gave Gates an advance copy of an article he wrote for the journal Military Review called “Learning From Our Modern Wars,” which called for a shift in Army doctrine away from large-scale combat against enemies of comparable strength toward “asymmetric warfare,” especially counterinsurgency operations. Last October, in a speech before the Association of the U.S. Army, Gates made a pitch for these ideas. To the Army hierarchy, which is dominated by tank and infantry officers who cut their teeth — and still stack their budgets — on old-style combat, it amounted to a rebel cry. Gates also approved a move to appoint Gen. David Petraeus, the U.S. commander in Iraq and chief author of the Army’s field manual on counterinsurgency, as the head of the brigadier-general promotion board this past fall. The move was clearly intended, and widely interpreted, to help ensure the promotion of creative commanders who were previously passed over for promotion from colonel to one-star general — in short, to start the process of institutionalizing the new style of warfare.