"ARIEL SHARON has done it again. ... Israel's new Prime Minister is accusing the Iranians of transferring new long-range missiles to Lebanon - capable, so he claims, of hitting the centre of Israel - and accusing Syria of using Lebanon's airports to transfer these fantasy missiles. It's important to use the word fantasy. In the hundreds of miles I travel across Lebanon every month, I have yet to see a long-range missile, let alone a transporter. Satellite pictures would easily identify such a rocket and Beirut airport is these days so hide-bound with security that you couldn't move a rifle through its terminal."Well! If Robert Fisk says they don't exist, they don't exist. Right? Because the odds of one of the world's most secretive guerrilla organizations being able to hide an advanced weapons system from Robert Fisk and his trusty driver Abed are approximately 0.00/1,000. You have no secrets that you can hide from Robert Fisk, Hassan Nasrallah, so don't even bother trying. He knows where you are right this very minute, in fact, and is coming to interview you this evening after he drives his obligatory hundred miles around the Bekaa Valley. (You're in Zahle today, right? Having ice cream? Fisk knew that. He also knows you summer in Ehden. No one else would have guessed that, but Fisk did.)
- Robert Fisk, The Independent (London), 30 March 2001.
"The result is that Hizbullah emerges as the force in Lebanon that can deliver, thereby perpetuating an important political dynamic — of the non-state actor which functions as the de facto state versus the state non-actor which merely enjoys the status of de jure state," analyst Amal Saad-Ghorayeb wrote on the openDemocracy website.
*Charlie's of half a mind to start referring to AM as "The Namesake." Objections?At 9:30 p.m., residents said, Hezbollah's fighters were ambushed by Druze villagers in their heartland, some of whom, until that moment, had stood on opposite sides of the 18-month-long crisis, divided by politics and leadership. For perhaps the first time in Hezbollah's history, it had deployed as an army of conquest rather than an insurgent band, fighting Israel, that could exploit its own terrain and the support of its people.
Two hours later, residents said, its fighters were trapped on the Israeli-built road. Furious mediation secured their release, and, by 4 a.m., they began withdrawing.
"We're going to die in our village. We're never going to leave it," said Nadia Assaf, a 22-year-old resident of Niha, surveying the scene of the battle from a Druze shrine for the prophet Job. "It learned the lesson that it'll be defeated on our land."
The words were the same as those uttered by countless Shiite villagers in the 2006 war with Israel, when it invaded Hezbollah's stronghold in southern Lebanon.
Few missed that irony: "Hezbollah may gain a lot in terms of power. It certainly has the upper hand," said Salem, the analyst. "But it has lost a lot in terms of image."
In the eyes of many Lebanese, the resistance is now an occupying power. How will Hizbollah -- which has in the past divided the world into the oppressors and the oppressed -- adjust to the ugly new reality where they are seen as the former?
Amen. The biggest problem Abu Muqawama -- along with many military officers, past and present -- has with neo-conservatives is their naive, childlike faith in the ability of military power to solve problems on its own. Abu Muqawama suspects Obama is right when he talks about there being a disconnect between the generals and the civilians. Abu Muqawama suspects some of the military leadership is horrified by the bluster and tough talk they hear from the civilian leadership. You can't talk yourself into a rhetorical corner to the point where direct military action is the only card you have left on the table. Force -- or the threat of force -- must be partnered with engagement. Where you strike the balance between the two is a key question.The U.S. needs a foreign policy that “looks at the root causes of problems and dangers.” Obama compared Hezbollah to Hamas. Both need to be compelled to understand that “they’re going down a blind alley with violence that weakens their legitimate claims.” He knows these movements aren’t going away anytime soon (“Those missiles aren’t going to dissolve”), but “if they decide to shift, we’re going to recognize that. That’s an evolution that should be recognized.”
Obama being Obama, he understood the broader reason I was asking about Lebanon. Everybody knows that Obama is smart (and he was quite well informed about Lebanon). The question is whether he’s seasoned and tough enough to deal with implacable enemies.
“The debate we’re going to be having with John McCain is how do we understand the blend of military action to diplomatic action that we are going to undertake,” he said. “I constantly reject this notion that any hint of strategies involving diplomacy are somehow soft or indicate surrender or means that you are not going to crack down on terrorism. Those are the terms of debate that have led to blunder after blunder.”
Obama said he found that the military brass thinks the way he does: “The generals are light-years ahead of the civilians. They are trying to get the job done rather than look tough.”
Regardless of what drove the timing of the standoff, it appears the government miscalculated. Sadly, for Washington, there are few realistic policy options to reverse the Hizballah coup. It is highly unlikely that the UN -- which failed to even prevent the rearming of Hizballah -- would agree to more dangerous deployments in Lebanon.David then pins his hopes on the Lebanese Army, but it seems to Abu Muqawama that, if anything, the Lebanese Army has sided with Hizbollah in the fighting. That is to say, they can obviously see Hizbollah is the strongest side and they've basically stayed out of it, happy to act as peace-keepers once the fighting has already reached some sort of conclusion but unwilling to step in between the two sides. Does this square with what everyone else is thinking, or no?