March 25, 2008 — How should Japan and the United States, two major sea powers, deal with maritime issues that have become increasingly complex? A symposium titled the Japan-U.S. Sea Power Dialogue was held earlier this month in Washington to discuss the current situation and maritime security issues.
The three-day symposium, cosponsored by the Ocean Policy Research Foundation and the Center for a New American Security and supported by The Yomiuri Shimbun, featured participation from a number of experts. I was one of the participants.
The biggest issue concerning Japan and the United States is China's efforts to expand its maritime power.
In the western Pacific, the Chinese Navy is seeking control of the East and South China seas, and plans to expand the operational area of its submarines from what it calls the "First Island Chain"--which links Japan's Nansei Islands, Taiwan and the Philippines--to the "Second Island Chain," which links the Ogasawara Islands, Saipan and Guam.
A U.S. Defense Department report on Chinese military capability released on March 3 mentions that China has been stepping up its development and construction of cutting-edge submarines.
Concerning strategies around the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, China has been building military bases in Pakistan and Myanmar, while trying to strengthen its diplomatic relationships with Bangladesh, Thailand and Cambodia.
This is dubbed the String of Pearls Strategy, under which China apparently aims at ensuring a stable supply of energy resources from the Middle East and Africa to China's inland and coastal areas by securing a line of bases, or "pearls," for refueling and transport use.
The symposium was proposed by the Ocean Policy Research Foundation, a private research body based in Toranomon, Tokyo. The foundation called for a debate between experts from the two nations, saying Japan and the United States should take the lead in dealing with maritime problems. In response, the Center for a New American Security--established in 2007 by Kurt Campbell, former U.S. deputy assistant defense secretary, and others--agreed to become a cosponsor.
The first day of the event on March 5 featured lectures and an open debate sponsored by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA. Closed-door discussions were held for the following two days.
In the open debate, Makoto Iokibe, president of the National Defense Academy of Japan, said, "How to cope with Chinese military expansion is a very important issue." Michael Green, former senior director for Asian affairs at the U.S. National Security Council, said, "We [the United States and Japan] need to think about how we work with the [Chinese] PLA [People's Liberation Army] Navy."
Yohei Sasakawa, chairman of the Nippon Foundation, emphasized in his lecture the importance of increasing awareness of new threats, such as piracy, maritime terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and environmental destruction.
"Ninety percent of international trade is by sea; therefore, ensuring the navigational safety of international sea routes is vital for the world economy," Sasakawa said.
Piracy and terrorism are frequent occurrences in the Malacca Strait and in Somali waters off the Horn of Africa. The shipping lanes in the Strait of Malacca are crowded with about 260 vessels per day. There is concern that attacks, such as the bombing of a tanker, could be used to block traffic in the area.
Terrorists also could target key container hub ports. For example, an attack on the Singapore Port by terrorists could disrupt commerce throughout Asia with serious ramifications for the world economy.
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Get Beijing involved; untie SDF's hands
Japan relies on imports for 90 percent of its energy resources and 60 percent of its foodstuffs. Ensuring the safe passage of ships carrying these commodities from the Persian Gulf, across the Indian Ocean and through the Malacca Strait is a matter of survival for this nation.
The United States has been instrumental in strengthening international cooperation to help protect sea lanes in these areas. Bringing China into these efforts as a partner defuses one potential source of friction between Beijing and Washington, a development that fits snugly with Japan's interests.
Japan should be first in line to support U.S. efforts in this area. Tokyo also should make the most of every opportunity to bring Beijing into the equation at bilateral and East Asian Summit meetings.
Doing so will require Japan itself to be open about its willingness to participate in international cooperation efforts.
But a potential hiccup is lurking in the background: The new Antiterrorism Law that is the legal basis for the Maritime Self-Defense Force to conduct refueling operations in the Indian Ocean has a life span of only one year.
The importance of maintaining safety on the high seas will only increase; it will not decrease.
The Japan Coast Guard should do more to strengthen its international cooperation activities, but since it already has plenty on its plate with its regular operations--such as keeping guard against intruding North Korean spy ships and clamping down on illegal fishing by South Korean vessels--there are limits to how much its workload can be increased.
The obvious candidate to partake in international cooperation activities aimed at ensuring safety at sea is the Self-Defense Forces, which has "international peacekeeping activities" as one of its core missions.
Even at this symposium, Michael Green said Japan's maritime forces were viewed "extremely" positively by Gulf countries and India and had "the kind of trust in that region to really contribute."
The importance of these activities to other countries was underlined by Green's comment on the mission's suspension after the expiry of the original Antiterrorism Law in November. Japan has "some responsibility" to make sure the vessels do not have to return home again, he said.
The Liberal Democratic Party has started discussions on establishing a permanent law that would enable the overseas dispatch of SDF personnel on international cooperation activities. A project team that includes members of New Komeito will be launched soon.
The Democratic Party of Japan, which holds sway in the House of Councillors, came out against the new antiterrorism law, saying it would be "helping the United States fight a war." Based on this position, just how does the DPJ believe Japan can participate in international cooperation to protect safety at sea? What alternative plan are they offering?
If the MSDF is forced to suspend its refueling operations again when the new law expires in January, rather than being seen to be contributing to international cooperation activities, other countries would look askance at Japan for pulling back from this role.
This would obstruct any attempt to prod China to work together with Japan to fight piracy and maritime terrorism.
And what would happen if Japan drops out of these international efforts and then China agrees to participate at Washington's request?
Unquestionably, it would inflict devastating damage on the Japan-U.S. alliance.
The ruling parties and the DPJ must pay utmost attention to the international climate regarding the "safety of the seas," and give due consideration to what the global reaction would be if Japan swims against the tide.
They should speed up their talks on the enactment of a permanent law.