February 28, 2022
The New Russian Sanctions Playbook
After Russian President Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine last week, U.S. President Joe Biden made good on his threat to impose “swift and severe consequences” on Russia’s economy. His administration has enacted a set of sanctions far stronger than those deployed in 2014, after Moscow’s last incursion into Ukraine. This latest package includes sanctions on Russian banks, debt and equity restrictions on state-owned enterprises, and unprecedented multilateral export controls designed to cut Russia’s high-tech imports in half.
These sanctions, coupled with similar measures from the European Union and other U.S. allies, will accelerate Russia’s isolation from the global economy. Such moves, however, are not a sign of policy success—despite the impressive transatlantic diplomacy. On the contrary, they represent a failure to deter Putin from invading Ukraine. It is possible that the threat of sanctions failed because Putin was determined to invade regardless of the cost. It is also possible that Putin underestimated the damage that Western sanctions would cause. The 2014 measures sent Russia’s economy into a tailspin, but the country stabilized after several years.
Just because threatening sanctions failed, however, doesn’t mean the United States should abandon them altogether.
Beyond exacting a price for military aggression and signaling solidarity with Ukrainians under fire, punitive economic measures can demonstrate to Russian elites and society that Putin’s imperial fantasies have costs. Declining living standards and diminishing prospects could, in turn, weaken Putin’s domestic base of support, siphoning attention and resources away from foreign policy.
Over the long term, economic penalties can also degrade Moscow’s ability to project power abroad. With Russia’s army already deployed across Ukraine—and little prospect for a dramatic shift in Russian foreign policy while Putin is in office—sanctions are now less a tool of behavioral change than one aimed at economic and technological attrition. Their primary objective is no longer to deter Moscow from taking particular actions but to drastically alter the trade and investment links between Russia and the United States and its allies—to the latter’s geopolitical advantage.
Read the full article from Foreign Affairs.
More from CNAS
-
Could There Be a Way to Make Economic Sanctions More Mission Oriented?
One of the main tools foreign policy leaders have to exert pressure on other governments is through the use of economic tools. Sanctions, export controls, investment restricti...
By Lt Col Mary Hossier
-
Boosting Economic Security Collaboration Among G7 Economies and like-Minded Allies
Emily Kilcrease, senior fellow and director of the CNAS energy, economics, and security program, and Geoff Gertz, senior fellow, participated in the T7, the official engagemen...
By Emily Kilcrease & Geoffrey Gertz
-
Ducking Climate Science Is a Danger to the U.S. Military. Congress Must Help.
This article was originally published in Breaking Defense. The Trump Administration’s recent decision to revoke the EPA “endangerment finding” is emblematic of a trend in Amer...
By Will Rogers
-
CNAS Insights | Trump's Plan B for Tariffs
The administration is already pivoting to a new tariff architecture that will mostly, though not entirely, recreate his previous tariffs....
By Geoffrey Gertz