July 28, 2026
An Uphill Climb
Pushing for Inclusive Political Dialogue in Afghanistan
Executive Summary
To avoid what is becoming a human rights catastrophe for the women and girls of Afghanistan and a ticking time bomb for a major terrorist resurgence in the nation, the international community must press for the development of an inclusive and sustainable political process to influence the future trajectory of governance of the country. The United States should work with the United Nations (UN) and like-minded nations to support the establishment of a structured process of engagement for Afghanistan’s citizens, inside and outside the country, that leads to a political dialogue with Taliban leaders. While there is presently no significant challenge to Taliban rule pushing the group to consider engaging in such a dialogue, the international community should still use its levers of influence to seek to convince the Taliban of the necessity to engage with non-Taliban groups and individuals.
It is important to consider a leading role for young people in this effort. Engaging this generation in a peaceful political process and finding ways for them to move beyond historical internal divisions are critical to finally writing a new chapter for the country. Equally essential to the foundation of a new political order that young people want is ending impunity for those responsible for war crimes—not only the Taliban but also leaders from previous periods.
Another step toward encouraging a more inclusive political dialogue in Afghanistan is holding the Taliban to account on its human rights abuses, especially toward women and girls. Several international initiatives that aim to hold the Taliban accountable for its treatment of women and girls have emerged in the last few years. These include the establishment of a UN Human Rights Council investigative mechanism, bringing Afghanistan before the International Court of Justice for failing to meet its international obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, issuing arrest warrants at the International Criminal Court for Taliban leaders accused of abusing the rights of women and girls, and codifying the Taliban’s treatment of women and girls as gender apartheid within the Crimes Against Humanity Treaty. These efforts can serve as a stepping stone to launching an inclusive political dialogue.
Pakistan’s frustration with the Afghan Taliban over its support for the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has led the Pakistani government to take military action against TTP targets on Afghan territory and host anti-Taliban opposition leaders for meetings in Islamabad. Washington and Islamabad may find increasing points of convergence on Afghanistan that could lead them to cooperate more closely on efforts to press the Taliban to both crack down on terrorism and engage in an inclusive political process.
With increasing repression of women and girls—as well as minorities and those opposed to the Taliban’s policies—and the proliferation of international terrorist groups inside the country and expanding indoctrination of the youth in the Taliban’s extremist ideologies, the United States cannot afford to ignore the situation in Afghanistan. The United States should work more closely with the UN and international partners, including the European Union and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, to spur an inclusive political dialogue that will help create a more stable and prosperous Afghanistan that is inhospitable to terrorist movements. To facilitate this process, the United States must take the following actions.
Maintain a policy of nonrecognition of the Taliban.
Washington must lead international efforts to continue to refuse concessions to the Taliban, such as diplomatic recognition, unfreezing Afghan assets, or lifting sanctions on Taliban leaders, until the Taliban demonstrates concrete, verifiable, and sustained reversal of its systematic violations of the rights of women and girls, particularly by fully restoring their access to education, employment, and public life.1
Work within the UN Security Council to pressure the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) to support an Afghan national dialogue.
Washington should lead an effort to ensure the quarterly Security Council reviews of UNAMA include reporting on the establishment of an Afghan political process that accords with the Report of the Independent Assessment Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2679, which calls for “a national political dialogue that reflects the views and participation of all Afghans” that leads to “predictable governance based on the rule of law” protecting the rights of all its citizens.2
Provide structured support to Afghan civil society and opposition forces to help them map their areas of agreement onto future governance.
The United States and other members of the international community should support a framework for mapping and internal consultations among Afghan stakeholders. They can do so by funding, protecting, and amplifying platforms to facilitate discussion among the various opposition groups, offering incentives such as high-level diplomatic engagement with these platforms, and urging them to solidify areas of commonality and cooperation.
Catalyze dialogue with nonpolitical sectors of Afghan society, particularly the youth.
Considering lessons from the South African and Colombian peace processes regarding the vital role of youth, business, community councils, and religious communities in establishing conditions for peaceful political dialogue, Afghan political and civil society leaders and the international community should engage with these sectors within Afghanistan.3
Find new ways to work with Pakistan on Afghanistan.
Considering that Pakistan’s policies are significantly changing toward the Taliban, U.S. officials should examine areas of convergence and how the two sides might cooperate toward mutual objectives of an Afghan government that provides for its people economically and is strongly motivated to reject extremism. For example, Washington can incentivize Pakistan to support peaceful anti-Taliban opposition groups, media, and other individuals; protect them from deportation; and even help to fund conferences and meetings of these groups inside Pakistan. U.S. officials should also explore working with Pakistan within the UN sanctions committee on al-Qaida through UN Security Council Resolution 1989 to designate the Taliban for hosting and supporting the TTP.
Introduction
Five years after taking Afghanistan by military force, the Taliban holds a firm grip on power and faces no credible threat from the opposition. Meanwhile, the Taliban regime is engaged in systematic human rights abuses, especially toward women and girls, who are slowly being erased from society and increasingly face gender persecution and possibly even crimes against humanity. At the same time, the Taliban continues to harbor terrorist groups, including al-Qaida, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and dozens of others and is inculcating its extremist ideologies into a new generation of young Afghans by expanding the number of jihadi religious schools (madrassas) throughout the country.4 Those Afghans in opposition to the Taliban’s totalitarian policies have no way to protest without risking harm to themselves or unlawful detention.
To avoid what is both a human rights catastrophe for the women and girls of Afghanistan and a ticking time bomb for a major terrorist resurgence in the nation, the international community must press for the development of an inclusive and sustainable political process to influence the future trajectory of governance of the country.
Some geopolitical trends have indirectly supported an Afghan political dialogue, but the negative trends have been stronger. On the positive side, there has been agreement at the United Nations (UN), the UN Security Council, and myriad human rights bodies not to recognize the Taliban, although some countries have de facto normalized relations with the Taliban by allowing Taliban officials to serve as ambassadors in their capitals. The consensus remains that the Taliban is depriving huge numbers of the population of basic rights, that it has promoted extremism and hosted terror groups, and that it lacks legitimacy with respect to its international status.
Active animosity between Pakistan and its former clients has added some energy to an effort to find alternatives to the Taliban. However, key players such as Russia, China, Iran, and India, as well as most Central Asian nations, are interested in a transactional relationship with the Taliban and have resisted efforts to center human rights in their interactions with the Taliban or to support the appointment of an empowered UN special envoy to help resolve the political vacuum. And Pakistan, for all its ire, probably does not want to topple the regime. Adding to this stasis, the role of special representative of the secretary general at the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has been filled by weak international figures who prioritized the mission’s humanitarian role and maintaining Taliban permission to remain in the country, rather than pushing for a credible and inclusive political process.
To avoid what is both a human rights catastrophe for the women and girls of Afghanistan and a ticking time bomb for a major terrorist resurgence in the nation, the international community must press for the development of an inclusive and sustainable political process to influence the future trajectory of governance of the country. The United States should work with the UN and like-minded nations to support the establishment of a structured process of engagement for Afghan citizens, inside and outside the country. What is needed is a negotiating structure for the people of Afghanistan to eventually enter dialogue with the de facto authorities—rather than a “Doha process” structure involving international diplomats negotiating with the Taliban. While there is presently no significant challenge to Taliban rule and therefore no real impetus for it to consider engaging in political dialogue with those opposing it, the international community should still use its levers of influence to seek to convince the Taliban of the necessity for engagement with non-Taliban groups and individuals. The key levers for doing so include sanctions, banking restrictions, and nonrecognition.
This paper examines the challenges and opportunities for establishing an inclusive political dialogue in Afghanistan. The paper argues that the first step to instituting such dialogue is for the opposition groups to unite themselves. It also describes how recent international efforts to hold the Taliban accountable on its human rights abuses, especially against women and girls, can assist in pushing the Taliban toward an inclusive dialogue. It further analyzes the recent conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan and the implications for Pakistan’s role in contributing toward efforts both to push the Taliban to crack down on terrorism and to engage with non-Taliban actors. The paper also analyzes peace processes in other countries—namely Colombia, South Africa, and Syria—which can serve as models, or at least provide ideas, for catalyzing an inclusive dialogue in Afghanistan. Finally, in view of the urgent need for a U.S. strategy to address American interests in a region with active conflicts, nuclear-armed states, and a growing terrorism problem, the paper provides U.S. policy recommendations that could help improve prospects for the development of an inclusive political process in Afghanistan, while noting that ultimately it is the Afghans themselves who must take this vital step for stability and prosperity of the country.
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- Assessing the Terror Threat Landscape in South and Central Asia and Examining Opportunities for Cooperation: Hearing Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on South and Central Asia, 119th Cong. (2025) (statement of Lisa Curtis, director of the Indo-Pacific Program, Center for a New American Security), https://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA19/20250626/118287/HHRG-119-FA19-Wstate-CurtisL-20250626.pdf. ↩
- Feridun Sinirlioğlu, Report of the Independent Assessment Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2679 (2023) (United Nations Security Council, November 9, 2023), https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/2023_11_sg_special_assessment_report.pdf. ↩
- “Afghanistan Community Resilience and Livelihoods Project,” World Bank, June 30, 2025, https://projects.worldbank.org/en/projects-operations/project-detail/P508839. ↩
- United Nations Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team, Thirty-Seventh Report of the Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team Submitted Pursuant to Resolution 2734 (2024) Concerning ISIL (Daesh), Al-Qaida and Associated Individuals and Entities (United Nations Security Council, 2026), https://docs.un.org/en/S/2026/44; William Maley, “Taliban Madrasas: A Time-Bomb in the Making,” Australian Institute of International Affairs, May 16, 2024, https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/taliban-madrasas-a-time-bomb-in-the-making/. ↩
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